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Jill Kerper Mora's avatar

In a recent Substack posting, a practitioner colleague HJ gives her description of an application of the theory of orthographic mapping, She states that "all word work is uniting phonology, orthography and meaning to facilitate orthographic mapping, concluding that "the first line of defense when faced with an unknow word is decoding." This colleague presents the example of a second grader who read the word "rewrap as rew-rap. The student figured out, apparently on her own, to change /oo/ to /ee/ and "find a friendly word." Our colleague concludes that "only when this decoding attempt has been secured do we look to pictures, syntax, or semantics to confirm our choice if necessary."

This example of a teacher's approach to a miscue gives me the opportunity to describe how this colleague's approach to a miscue using metalinguistic theory, including phonemic awareness and a reader's knowledge of phonics to analyze the miscue and decide upon instructional strategies to assist the reader in decoding, as well as simultaneously building her metalinguistic awareness. My analysis of this miscue leads me to conclude that the origin of the miscue resides in two aspects of word recognition. The student attempted to decode the word by applying her syllabic awareness but misread the word for two reasons: 1) a lack of knowledge that "re" is a morpheme (a commonly used morpheme from Latin) and therefore is pronounced as a syllable in and of itself and 2) that the letters "wr" are a digraph for the phoneme /r/.

Consequently, this miscue offers the teacher the opportunity for increasing the reader's metalinguistic knowledge about how morphemes convey (cue) meaning and how digraphs represent single phonemes. This miscue is not an example of the so called "three-cueing system" because the term refers to grapho-phonics, semantics and syntax. Morphological awareness is not differentiated in the miscue analysis research because miscues originating in word processing miscues in a student's oral reading performance but can be the origin of semantic or syntactic miscues. The reader in this example, IMO did not decode the word rewrap because she was not reading for meaning, but when she realized the meaning of the word from context, she was able to decode it accurately, despite her possible lack of awareness of the phonemic representation of the digraph "wr". It is worth noting that if the reader is a Spanish speaker reading in Spanish, a miscue of a word with the morpheme "re" would be highly unlikely because "re" is always a distinct CV syllable. I make this point because orthographic mapping in Spanish, a more transparent orthography than English, would not encounter this problem.

I provide this analysis to point out one of the reasons why for those of us who are researchers in biliteracy and second language reading among multilingual learners find the theory of orthographic mapping to be incomplete without metalinguistic analysis that affirms how reading for meaning enables decoding and is not just to "confirm our choices." As I posted earlier, we must pay attention to the dual-route model of decoding. Correct pronunciation of a written word does not automatically lead to its comprehension and incorrect decoding (miscues) are oftentimes originate from the reader's lack of knowledge of the meaning (semantics) of the word. We must not overlook opportunities to increase readers' metalinguistic awareness and explicit metalinguistic knowledge through teachers' scaffolding of their oral reading miscues.

Ke, S. E., Zhang, D., & Koda, K. (2023). Metalinguistic awareness in second language reading development. Cambridge University Press.

Esmè van Deventer's avatar

This analysis cuts right to the implementation question I'm grappling with in South Africa's multilingual classrooms.

Your point about orthographic mapping theory being developed primarily with English learners is critical. We're seeing a troubling pattern where 'best practice' workshops cite research about mother tongue instruction (often using examples from transparent orthographies like Bantu languages) but then train teachers in English-medium methods based on opaque orthography research.

The cognitive processes children use to map in isiXhosa (where i-n-d-l-u maps predictably) are fundamentally different from those needed for English (where 'rough, through, though, cough, bough' follow no such logic). Yet policy discussions treat this as a simple transfer problem rather than a systems capacity issue.

I'm documenting this as 'knowledge washing' - where accurate research gets deployed to construct narratives that protect institutional positioning rather than serve implementation reality. Your examination of orthographic mapping's theoretical limitations provides essential grounding for understanding why these transplanted methods fail at scale.

Would be interested in your thoughts on how research translation across linguistic contexts could be more rigorous.

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